July 2020 – IEUREKA!

Can we ever achieve “zero COVID”?

Posted on July 30, 2020August 3, 2020 by relfg

Marcus Munafo and George Davey Smith

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An important ongoing debate is whether the UK’s COVID strategy should focus on suppression (maintaining various restrictions to ensure the reproduction rate of the SARS-CoV-2 virus remains at or below 1), or elimination (reducing the number of infections to a sufficiently low level that restrictions could be removed). Independent SAGE has explicitly called for a “zero COVID UK”.

The latter is attractive, in that it brings the promise of a return to normality, rather than the ongoing maintenance of distancing measures, use of face coverings, etc. Independent SAGE has suggested that “a seven day rolling average of one new case per million per day could represent ‘control’” under a “zero COVID” regime. In other words, around 60 to 70 new cases per day across the UK.

But is “zero COVID”, in the context of ongoing large-scale testing, ever likely to be possible?

It’s unclear how accurate COVID19 tests are – which presents a challenge for the aim of reaching ‘zero COVID’.

Knowing how many cases there are in a population requires testing. But even the best tests are not perfect. Unfortunately, it might be difficult to know exactly how accurate COVID tests are – the RT-PCR (antigen) tests for SARS-CoV-2 are likely to be highly specific, but in the absence of an alternative gold standard to compare these against, calculating the precise specificity is challenging

If we assume excellent specificity (let’s say 99.9%), at current levels of daily testing in the UK (74,783 tests per day processed across pillars 1 and 2, as of the 28^th July update), that would mean around 75 false positive results per day even if there were no true cases of COVID in the UK. A sensitivity of 98% would mean over 1400 false positives *.

Any call for “zero COVID” needs to consider the impact of false positives on the achievability of the criterion that would constitute this, against a background of high levels of testing. Whilst testing is only one source of information that needs to be interpreted in the light of other clinical and epidemiological data, on their own they will be important drivers of any response.

As cases fall to a low level, perhaps we could reduce levels of testing (and therefore the number of false positives). But, given the high potential for substantial undocumented infection and transmission, it is likely that large-scale testing will remain essential for some time, if only to monitor the rise and fall in infections, the causes of which we still don’t fully understand.

The generic Situationist slogan “be realistic, demand the impossible” is one that many political campaigns for equality and freedom can understand.

But in many concrete situations well-meaning phrases can prove to be meaningless when scrutinised. If attempts to achieve zero COVID before relaxing restrictions leads to a delay in the reopening of schools, for example, that will result in vast increases in future levels of inequality in educational outcomes, and the future social trajectories dependent on these.

As with other endemic human coronaviruses, SARS-CoV-2 will likely show high variability and fall to very low levels within any particular population for sustained periods; it will not be permanently eliminated on a continental scale, however. Perhaps a better alternative to the setting of laudable but effectively unachievable targets is to recognise this and plan accordingly.

Marcus Munafò and George Davey Smith

* The importance of the sensitivity (and specificity) of tests for COVID antibodies has been discussed here, and the same logic broadly applies to antigen tests.

Most of the world is missing out on the genomics revolution: why this is bad for science

Posted on July 10, 2020July 9, 2020 by lindsey.pike

Yoonsu Cho, Bryony Hayes and Daniel Lawson

As we usher in the era of precision medicine – healthcare tailored to the individual – genetic information is being used to design drugs, tests and medical procedures. While this approach enables physicians to better predict the needs of patients and quickly adopt the most suitable treatment, it should be acknowledged that what is suitable for many, is not suitable for all. Appropriate medical care is linked with ancestry – for example, healthy people with African ancestry naturally exhale less air than reference samples of Europeans, leading to mis-diagnosis for Asthma. For people from Black and Minority Ethnicities, the potential impact of ethnicity is intensely debated in Cancer treatment. Research suggests that lack of BME participation in medical research will lead to poor medication choices, genetic tests being less useful, and any COVID-19 treatments being less well tested.

The World Health Organization has stated that “everyone should have a fair opportunity to attain their full health potential and that no one should be disadvantaged from achieving their potential”. However, systematic discrimination & socio-economic-related disadvantages such as lower education and difficulty accessing high quality jobs are overwhelmingly experienced by non-white people, with statistics showing that 80% of Black African and Caribbean communities are living in England’s most deprived areas (as defined by the Neighbourhood Renewal Fund). These factors contribute to people from those communities receiving worse medical care overall. Beyond this, poor representation in research now can only lead to systematically poorer healthcare in the years to come. In 2009, only 4% of genetic association studies used samples with non-European ancestry. Whilst this rose to almost 20% by 2016, this improvement was largely due to East Asian nations such as Korea, China and Japan initiating their own biobank projects, leaving many ethnicities under-represented. Hence, from a medical genetics perspective, “Black and Minority Ethnicity” (BME) is well defined as “ethnicities without a rich nation to back a representative genetic biobank” and includes African ancestry.

Improving participation of underrepresented populations in Biobanks should make science more useful for all.

Why does biobank representation matter?

Epidemiological comparisons – that is, comparing large numbers of people who develop disease and those that do not – often rely on genetics to infer which behaviours and conditions are causes and which are effects. These analyses use a technique called Mendelian Randomization (MR). MR has demonstrated, for example, that alcohol consumption causally increases body mass and made it clear that even moderate alcohol intake has no beneficial effect on health outcomes. Causal hypotheses are a critical pathway to drug discovery and public health intervention, but are based almost entirely on European populations. Since there are many genes that affect most disease risk and these are of different importance across ancestries, we cannot be certain that the associations found apply to other populations. This urgently needs to be addressed in order to:

promote representative translational research that is relevant to all
reduce bias in the consideration of new health policies that may negatively impact minority populations.

Some populations have increased risk from specific diseases, and many people have ancestry from all over the world, making the categorisation of ‘race’ in medicine of some value but increasingly problematic. The IEU leads work on measuring this ancestry variation, which is important for individuals’ health. Getting at the cause of disease is key for understanding the effects of genes on disease risk and traits. Data on varied ethnicities is valuable for science, simply by showing us more variation. Traits such as height, weight and pre-inclination for education may not be directly related to ethnicity, but data from varied ancestries still helps to separate genetic cause from effect. Paradoxically, the least available data on African ancestry is particularly valuable scientifically, due to the lack of variation in the population that came out-of-africa around 50,000 years ago.

Science and the public improving representation together

Acknowledgement of this deficit is becoming more widespread, and the Black Lives Matter movement has refocused attention on representation in science, but the solution remains undetermined. How do we in the science and research community push for better diversity and representation in our resources? Biobanks operate on a consensual ‘opt in, opt out’ system and tend to favour certain groups. In 2016 the Financial Times generalised the participants of UK Biobank and “healthy, wealthy and white”, but why do so many more individuals from this demographic ‘opt in’? In 2018 Prictor et al theorised that BME groups may experience more barriers to participation such as location, cultural sensitivities around human tissue, and issues of literacy and language. However, given the history of the relationship between the research community and minority groups, seen in cases such as the Tuskegee Study, it is easy to see why BME populations might be less inclined to participate, if invited.

Although there is still need for considerable change, several recent developments will help, including the China Kadoori Biobank, the ancestrally diverse US-based Million Veterans program, and many others. However, given restrictions on privacy and reporting methods, these biobanks are hard to compare. Currently the IEU is part of a multi-national effort to develop tools to get the best science possible out of these comparisons, whilst simultaneously respecting privacy and data security issues. The IEU has been collaborating with various research groups across the world to make our research more reproducible. Building tools that work at scale is a challenge encompassing Mathematics, Statistics, Computer Science, Engineering, Genomics and Epidemiology, but this work is paving the way to promoting representative research that is inclusive and applicable for all.

Are schools in the COVID-19 era safe?

Posted on July 1, 2020July 1, 2024 by lindsey.pike

Sarah Lewis, Marcus Munafo and George Davey Smith

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The COVID-19 pandemic caused by the SARS-COV2 virus in 2020 has so far resulted in a heavy death toll and caused unprecedented disruption worldwide. Many countries have opted for drastic measures and even full lockdowns of all but essential services to slow the spread of disease and to stop health care systems becoming overwhelmed. However, whilst lockdowns happened fast and were well adhered to in most countries, coming out of lockdown is proving to be more challenging. Policymakers have been trying to balance relaxing restriction measures with keeping virus transmission low. One of the most controversial aspects has been when and how to reopen schools.

Many parents and teachers are asking: Are schools safe?

The answer to this question depends on how much risk an individual is prepared to accept – schools have never been completely “safe”. Also, in the context of this particular pandemic, the risk from COVID-19 to an individual varies substantially by age, sex and underlying health status. However, from a historical context, the risk of death from contracting an infectious disease in UK schools (even in the era of COVD-19) is very low compared to just 40 years ago, when measles, mumps, rubella and whooping cough were endemic in schools. Similarly, from a global perspective UK schools are very safe – in Malawi, for example, the mortality rate for teachers is around five times higher than in the UK, with tuberculosis causing more than 25% of deaths among teachers.

In this blog post we use data on death rates to discuss safety, because there is currently better evidence on death rates by occupational status than, for example, infection rates. This is because death rates related to COVID-19 have been consistently reported by teh Office for National Statistics, whereas data on infection rates depends very much on the level of testing in the community (which has changed over time and differs by region).

Risks to children

Thankfully the risk of serious disease and death to children throughout the pandemic, across the UK and globally, has been low. Children (under 18 years) make up around 20% of the UK population, but account for only around 1.5% of those hospitalised with COVID-19. This age group have had better outcomes according to all measures compared to adults. As of the 12^th June 2020, there have been 6 deaths in those with COVID-19 among those aged under 15 years across England and Wales. Whilst extremely sad, these deaths represent a risk of around 1 death per 2 million children. To place this in some kind of context, the number of deaths expected due to lower respiratory tract infections among this age group in England and Wales over a 3 month period is around 50 and 12 children would normally die due to road traffic accidents in Great Britain over a 3-month period.

Risks to teachers

Our previous blog post concluded that based on available evidence the risk to teachers and childcare workers within the UK from Covid-19 did not appear to be any greater than for any other group of working age individuals. It considered mortality from COVID-19 among teachers and other educational professionals who were exposed to the virus prior to the lockdown period (23^rd March 2020) and had died by the 20^th April 2020 in the UK. This represents the period when infection rates were highest, and when children were attending school in large numbers. There were 2,494 deaths among working-age individuals up to this date, and we found that the 47 deaths among teachers over this period represented a similar risk to all professional occupations – 6.7 (95% CI 4.1 to 10.3) per 100,000 among males and 3.3 (95% CI 2.0 to 4.9) per 100,000 among females.

The Office for National Statistics (ONS) has since updated the information on deaths according to occupation to include all deaths up to the 25^th May 2020. The new dataset includes a further 2,267 deaths among individuals with COVID-19. As the number of deaths had almost doubled during this extended period, so too had the risk. A further 43 deaths had occurred among teaching and education professionals, bringing the total number of deaths involving COVID-19 among this occupational group to 90. It therefore appears that lockdown (during which time many teachers have not been in school) has not had an impact on the rate at which teachers have been dying from COVID-19.

As before, COVID-19 risk does not appear greater for teachers than other working age individuals

The revised risk to teachers of dying from COVID-19 remains very similar to the overall risk for all professionals at 12.9 (95% CI 9.3 to 17.4) per 100,000 among all male teaching and educational professionals and 6.0 (95% CI 4.2 to 8.1) per 100,000 among all females, compared with 11.6 (95%CI 10.2 to 13.0) per 100,000 and 8.0 (95%CI 6.8 to 9.3) per 100,000 among all male and female professionals respectively. It is useful to look at the rate at which we would normally expect teaching and educational professionals to die during this period, as this tells us by how much COVID-19 has increased mortality in this group. The ONS provide this in the form of average mortality rates for each occupational group for same 11 week period over the last 5 years. The mortality due to COVID-19 during this period represents 33% for males and 19% for females of their average mortality over the last 5 years for the same period. For male teaching and educational professionals, the proportion of average mortality due to COVID-19 is very close to the value for all working-aged males (31%) and all male professionals (34%). For females the proportion of average mortality due to COVID-19 is lower than for all working-aged females (25%) and for female professionals (25%). During the pandemic period covered by the ONS, there was little evidence that deaths from all causes among the group of teaching and educational professionals were elevated above the 5-year average for this group.

Teaching is a comparatively safe profession

It is important to note that according to ONS data on adults of working age (20-59 years) between 2001-2011, teachers and other educational professionals have low overall mortality rates compared with other occupations (ranking 3^rd safest occupation for women and 6^th for men). The same study found a 3-fold difference between annual mortality among teachers and among the occupational groups with the highest mortality rates (plant and machine operatives for women and elementary construction occupations among men). These disparities in mortality from all causes also exist in the ONS data covering the COVID-19 pandemic period, but were even more pronounced with a 7-fold difference between males teaching and educational professionals and male elementary construction occupations, and a 16-fold difference between female teachers and female plant and machine operatives.

There is therefore currently no indication that teachers have an elevated risk of dying from COVID-19 relative to other occupations, and despite some teachers having died with COVID19, the mortality rate from all causes (including COVID19) for this occupational group over this pandemic period is not substantially higher than the 5 year average.

Will reopening schools increase risks to teachers?

One could argue that the risk to children and teachers has been low because schools were closed for much of the pandemic, and children have largely been confined to mixing with their own households, so that when schools open fully risk will increase. However, infection rates in the community are now much lower than they were at their peak, when schools were fully open to all pupils without social distancing. Studies which have used contract tracing to determine whether infected children have transmitted the disease to others have consistently shown that they have not, although the number of cases included has been small, and asymptomatic children are often not tested. Modelling studies estimate that even if schools fully reopen without social distancing, this is likely to have only modest effects on virus transmission in the community. If infection levels can be controlled – for example by testing and contact tracing efforts – and cases can be quickly isolated, then we believe that schools pose a minimal risk in terms of the transmission of COVID, and to the health of teachers and children. Furthermore, the risk is likely to be more than offset by the harms caused by ongoing disruption to children’s educational opportunities.

Sarah Lewis is a Senior Lecturer in Genetic Epidemiology in the department of Population Health Sciences, and is an affiliated member of the MRC Integrative Epidemiology Unit (IEU), University of Bristol.

Marcus Munafo is a Professor of Biological Psychology, in the School of Psychology Science and leads the Causes, Consequences and Modification of Health Behaviours programme of research in the IEU, University of Bristol.

George Davey Smith is a Professor of Clinical Epidemiology, and director of the MRC IEU, University of Bristol.